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And in terms of being martial… it is the immediacy of threat and the edge of life that brings us to a state of deep presence. I think that is also why in the days of warrior castes we often saw deeply spiritual people emerge from that.

Perhaps do you have any statistics? Practicioners who could refer to his technical lineage seem to have studied with him during the 70s as C.

Tissier , whereas older practitionners refer to other masters, like Shioda, H. Kobayashi, M. Shirata, K Osawa, Arikawa, T. Abe, S Abe, K.

I am talking about the postwar era as a whole, including the legacy inherited by the current Ueshiba family. However, keep in mind that Tohei was absent from the Hombu for extended periods due to his teaching in Hawaii and extensive foreign travel.

So even then, Kisshomaru had an important role as an instructor at Hombu. In a recent interview on a European site, Yamada Sensei tells of O Sensei making infrequent trips to the dojo, and the young Yamada Sensei somewhat frustrated that his workout was being interrupted for a lecture.

In medicine, we would credit the person who finds the cure for cancer. You can find out online who discovered insulin, but not about the millions of people who ensure diabetics get their actual treatment in hand.

In s and s, Hombu was a building in the middle of a bombed out city being used as a homeless shelter. By the 60s and 70s, an international destination, and a household name, and one dojo of many to an art practiced by likely millions.

Someone did a huge amount of work. A fine article, Stan. I have carefully read the comments above that are critical of the article and it looks to me that the writers are rather missing the point.

And that was largely down to his son and, to a lesser extent, Tohei Sensei who had the full support of the growing Aikikai at the time.

And it was the strength of the organisation that enabled Shihan such as Tamura, Yamada and Chiba to be sent abroad to teach.

The later influence of Saito Sensei particulalry with publication of this first series of books and increasing numbers of foreign visitors to Iwama is undoubtedly great, but he was very young in the war and immediate post war period and had no influence then on the spread of Aikido or the growth of the the Aikikai.

I think understanding the history is one the most important aspects in our study. But if we keep on criticizing, thinking whose Aikido are better than the others, effective or not, dance like or dynamic, Traditional or modified then we may someday end up not being happy for who we are where we at in our Journey.

The best thing probably is to nurture what we have, study more if we need to. After all, Aikido does not only limit ourselves to its combative elements, but also is Martial Virtue and a spiritual journey.

For me there are more important things to consider especially the Health aspects. For these we are defeated as practitioners.

No wonder why there are practitioners other than Aikido live longer than us. For they they live in a more simple life.

So please make this as a reminders. This all goes back to what Stan has stated many times in his blog, Saito had more one on one time with Ueshiba Sensei.

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Indiana is now one of 17 states that require continuing education on controlled substances. That leaves just three states — Montana, South Dakota and Colorado — with no continuing education requirement whatsoever, said Gene Richer, director of continuing education for the Colorado Medical Society.

Many doctors obtain what is known as board certification in a specialty. To be board certified, physicians must regularly demonstrate knowledge in their particular specialty to the governing body of that specialty.

And while requirements differ among specialties, that demonstration of knowledge typically involves some proof of continuing education.

Less colorful, more focused and relevant to the real political world is the approach used by global political organizations, such as the UN.

Their positions are widely accepted for the simple reason that they are products of a broader political consensus, which accommodates the diverse views of experts from different fields.

What makes the UN approach legitimate is the existence of a legal mandate to promote human rights as stipulated by article 1 paragraph 3 of its Charter.

Using this mandate, this organization has adopted an impressive list of international human rights instruments which have been widely ratified by its member-states.

The contents of some of these human rights instruments concern democracy, directly or indirectly, as will be shown later. The compliance by state with the undertakings assumed under these international instruments is monitored by a number of international bodies using a range of different methods, for example by considering reports and petitions received, or by tracking the progress made.

Obviously, there is a long way to go before this international regime of human rights achieves its goals.

However, no one can seriously question that the UN has reached a milestone by developing this international regime, thereby making the world a more humane place than before.

When it comes to the promotion of democracy, per se , the contributions of the UN are often belittled by those who are displeased by the apparent neglect of the preferences of their own ideological camp.

In fact, much was achieved, especially considering that the organization was prevented during the Cold War period from engaging in what was deemed to fall under the domestic jurisdiction of states by paragraph 7 of article 2 of its own Charter.

It is also important to remember that there was no consensus around which political system served democracy best.

Was it that of the U. Or the Swiss confederal model, which did not permit women to vote until the s?

Or that of the socialist states in the Eastern bloc, which disregarded political rights? Leaving this aside, the UN has played a crucial role in developing the rights of peoples , by elaborating the contents of these rights, e.

These clarifications were significant for democracy since they concern both peoples the demos and good governance kratia. This approach addressed democracy head-on, and not only from a theoretical perspective.

Decolonization was advanced by applying the Charter principle on the right of peoples to self-determination.

Arbitrary usurpation of power was denounced in many countries, and the UN began to monitor elections in post-conflict situations or where there were serious political conflicts.

The support which it gave and still gives to the promotion of gender mainstreaming, empowerment and participatory rights also concern democracy.

The collapse of the Socialist regimes in the former USSR and its Eastern European allies, who were the staunchest defenders of state sovereignty, removed one of the most serious hurdles to the promotion of democracy.

The UN capitalized on this political development to raise the banner of democracy, which gained prominence on its agendas.

Initially, this approach was recommended as a tool for application in the promotion of economic development. However, gradually its use was extended to other areas, for example, to health, child welfare, gender mainstreaming etc.

Proceeding from the above acknowledgement, this study examines the road map used by the UN in developing and promoting human rights and democracy, and how it urges its members to conduct themselves by applying HRBA.

The questions which guide this study are clear-cut. Is there a UN perception of democracy? What are the consequences of relying on HRBA to promote democracy?

Will this reliance promote democracy in form, as well as, in substance? Will it empower the victims of oppression and marginalization, thereby ending despotism, oppression and bad governance once and for all?

What are the wider political consequences and implications of using this bottom-up approach? Will it lead to the fragmentation of multi-ethnic and multi-national states by making them ungovernable when the voices of the marginalized are heard?

Will states reject HRBA because of fears that it will lead to the destabilization of their governments? Only then will one be able to judge the significance and implications of the approach used by the UN based on the application of the human rights norm.

Democracy, as was pointed out earlier, is praised and aspired to across the globe while at the same time being controversial. This is one reason why varied forms of democracies are found, whose goals and features are often at odds with one another.

This model is supposed to guarantee individual political rights freedom of expression, association and assembly , universal suffrage, a free media, and the multi-party parliamentarian model of governance based on the division of power with checks and balances.

However, the systems of governance in Italy, France, the United States and Denmark are far from being the same. If the attack on the media makes democracy illiberal then the U.

Before the demise of the Socialist order in Eastern Europe and U. In the Nordic countries the phrase social democracy is used to describe their welfare system, which is financed through higher taxation.

Even within a single country, we can see the bewildering variety of ways the word democracy is used. Sweden, for example, was governed during the last few years by a coalition led by the Swedish Social Democrats.

The opposition camp included the Christian Democrats and the Swedish Democrats. All this may well make Swedish citizens wonder who the true democrats are.

Dictionaries define democracy in a variety of way, reflecting the divergent ways the term is understood in the real political world.

Sources that fail to do this or that tell only one side of this perplexing story run the risk of being criticized for being ideologically biased.

This is why we find this term defined in different ways, reflecting the political mess in the real world.

According to dictionary. These and other similar broad and varied definitions of democracy raise more questions than they answer.

Does this term mean self-rule by the people collectively, as a group, where all the members of the community have equal voice and are the beneficiaries of this rule?

Or does it mean majority rule? For example, does the fact that the political system restricts voting rights to men only or to certain racial groups mean that there is no democracy?

What about if the country does not respond to the needs of the people, e. Should the political system promote real equality and a fair distribution of resources?

One way of understanding democracy would be to examine the toot of the word itself, i. Aristotle listed many other examples when he wrote:.

Over the years, these experiences of the Greek city-states inspired many political communities to emulate them. What distinguished their experiences from those of the ancient Greeks were the right-based justifications used to legitimize the political system and the structures that were created to ensure its continuity, e.

Like the proponents of democracy in ancient Greece, the American and French revolutionaries claimed to have empowered the people by giving them self-rule.

Unfortunately, this is often misinterpreted as meaning the total empowerment of all members of the political community the people , in the sense of being full beneficiaries of the political system.

This is far from true. The democratic experiments in Istrus, Heraclea, Cnidus, Erythrea and Basilidae, which Aristotle wrote about, did not permit all the members of these communities to participate in the political process children, women and slaves, for examples, were excluded.

Despite this obvious exclusion from power, the political system was called democracy, apparently because it was expected that those who were empowered by the system would promote the interests of the community as a whole, e.

Before slavery was abolished in the s black slaves were deemed to be the property of their white owners. Many of the celebrated fathers of the American Revolution, such as George Washington and Thomas Jefferson, were themselves slave-owners.

White women too were marginalized and excluded from positions of power until the mids. The French Republics which were established following the French Revolution also failed to deliver the democracy that had been promised, until after World War II.

Is this people composed of all the persons that are present in the country, including foreign residents and tourists, or only the citizens wherever they may be , or is it selected categories of citizens e.

Is the power or authority of this people simply to choose who should rule, regardless of whether the chosen ruler is a tyrant or one who responds to the wishes and needs of the governed?

In other words, does democracy empower the people to rule itself through elected representatives who can be removed if they fail to respond to what the electorate wants and expects?

The term is commonly used to describe a particular social group by combining it with a social, territorial other factor. This means while people in a society can be divided according to the languages they speak, the religions they profess and the territories they inhabit, legally they constitute one entity.

Understood in this unique technical sense, a people can be very young, e. Two distinct peoples can merge, example as the East and West German peoples did following the fall of the Berlin Wall, and one people can split into two or more new political communities, as occurred in Yugoslavia and the USSR.

Again, a people can also exist for well over a thousand years. The fact that no human being can live that long makes no difference. Grotius clarified the distinction that should be borne in mind between the lives of these kinds of imagined political communities and those of their members by stating the following.

If the existence of a people as a political community is indisputable, a question which follows from this is how can this people govern itself as suggested by the term democracy?

Does this necessarily mean that the voice and interests of all the members of this political community should count? This honest statement exposes the hypocrisy surrounding those who brag about behaving in accordance with the principles of democracy.

If democracy is the rule of the people as a whole, government which responds to the interests of a minority or a majority cannot be democratic.

To argue otherwise is false or, in everyday language, a lie. There are two ways of seeing this. One is to say that if sovereignty belongs to the people, power can only be delegated to the government.

This means that the governmental authorities are mandated to serve as representatives, to act by responding continuously and transparently to the wishes and interests of the people.

The other interpretation reduces democracy to the means of legitimizing the government. Once the people has chosen the government, those elected should represent the state by exercising the sovereignty of the state.

They can do this by promoting the interests of the majority or of a minority or minorities or those of the whole people as they see fit.

Until its period in power is over, the government in charge does not have to step down just because there are people that are not pleased by how the country is governed.

Whichever stance one takes, it is difficult to avoid those ideologically charged questions regarding the kinds of rights of the members of the political community should have, and the justifications for these rights.

While a deeper discussion of this topic is beyond the scope of this contribution, it would be a mistake to ignore it altogether in any discussion of democracy and human rights.

The Discourse on Human Rights and Democracy. The Contentious Positions : The debate on human rights and democracy is very old, complex and linked to the kinds of political interests which deserve to be protected.

The main aim here is not to attempt to disentangle all the thorny issues but merely to highlight the dominant positions as a backdrop for an examination of where international human rights law stands on this matter.

For the purpose of this paper, the debate can be narrowed down to one between the individualist and collectivist approach to rights. The dividing line concerns the justifications for the rights of individuals, what the limitations for them are and how they apply to individual as member of broader social groups inside political communities?

Defenders of the rights and interests of the broader community maintain that since individuals are product of their communities, their rights and freedoms should be subordinated to the rights, interests and needs of their communities.

Most individualists, on the other hand, reject this position and question the very existence of the community or society as a separate entity.

Whichever stance one takes individualist or collectivist in order to defend democracy, there is no escape from the requirement to justify why rights should be recognized in the first place.

The question which begs for an answer becomes what the foundation for the rights which is used as the bricks for building and sustaining the desired form of democracy?

Defenders of Natural Law, positivism and other sources of rights have wrestled with this question, which brings to the surface seemingly intractable questions regarding the nature of the human being.

Are humans social, humane and rationale, or self-centered, autonomous and evil beings, who should be tamed to conform to social requirements?

Can democracy co-exist with individualism? Should the majority impose its will over the rest in the name of democracy? Is democracy merely the presence of a social contract whereby the governed choose who should rule?

Should the governed have a say on how the government rules? These questions have been answered differently. The theory of social contract has been advanced by different philosophers in the interests of the governed, even though the way it is formulated has varied considerably.

Hobbes called for their renunciation in the interest of the common good. This was justified because we are not social like bees but individualistic , egocentric, jealous, evil beings who constantly struggle for power and dominance.

Pour elle ibid. Bachelard Il est tout aussi important de noter que G. I shared nothing with them [the other residents]. Sassen Mais pour combien de temps encore?

Lefebvre ou D. Arendt H. Bachelard G. Banfield E. Bernardie N. Bocquet D.

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